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In Derby,
with a population of about 50,000, the Irish people muster some 3,000
strong –
and here, considering their numbers, relatively their political and
social
influence is considerable and increasing. Politically they experience
little
hostility, and for years the town has been remarkable for tolerance in
religious matters, and for the kindly feeling and harmony prevailing
among all
creeds and classes. The Catholic population, which is mainly Irish, has
its
legitimate influence in the affairs of the town generally, and, in
proportion
to its numbers and the position of its members, contrasts, in this
respect,
most favourably with the Irish people in all the other towns I have
visited.
The church and school accommodation is ample, and on the school board
and in
municipal matters the Catholic element is represented and respected. It
is not
surprising to find that the moral and religious condition of the Irish
people
of Derby
is exceptionally good, and
that the clergymen in charge of the mission look forward to even a much
better
state of things in the future.
Nottingham
has an Irish population
something larger than that of Derby,
but – except in the patriotic spirit of a large population of
the people – in
other respects not so satisfactory. Indeed, it may be said that the
destructive
influences at work in Nottingham
are as injurious to the
Irish people morally and materially as in any town in England.
The Nottingham
“lambs” have attained to a questionable
notoriety in connexion with election affairs in the borough; but these
“lambs”
after all, are but the natural offshoots of the community. Roebuck was
the
proper, because the characteristic, representative of such a people,
and till
the town returns him again there will be no poetic compensation in its
politics. In such a community, and forced by imperious circumstances to
associate with the lowest of the population, the condition of the Irish
people
in too many instances is deplorable. In one district of the town
– almost
wholly Irish – much has been done by the zeal and practical
energy of an
earnest and self-sacrificing Irish priest – the Rev. Mr.
Harnett – to banish
the multiform demons that assail the faith and virtue of his flock.
But, though
here and elsewhere in the town, the peculiar virtues of the Irish
people
distinguish them from their neighbours, the stamp of vice is too
plainly on the
community. Drink and evil example are sapping the virtue of the people,
and
dragging down hundreds to the level of their surroundings. But here, as
elsewhere, are found the patriotic, the good, and the true –
men whose fidelity
to fatherland remains the same through all time and under all
circumstances.
The branch Home Rule Association is but one evidence of the spirit and
patriotic feeling of the Irishmen of Nottingham. Within the association
are to
be found zealous workers, and trained and long-tried political judgment
and
sagacity; and still outside of it, too much of the true and sterling
manhood,
whose co-operation is essential to its influence and power. The
requirement of
the hour is unity and organisation. With these, the Irish people of Nottingham
can do much to aid the patriotic labours of their kindred at home.
Without the
preparation, of which these are the elements, the real strength and
influence
which they possess and can exercise will be but imperfectly applied,
and hence
lose half its effect.
There is an Irish population in
Chesterfield
numbering nearly 3,000, and including the surrounding mining district,
fully
5,000. The growth of the population is but recent. As a consequence,
scarcely
any of this large number are to be found outside the ranks of labour;
but the
wages are good, the average being about 25s a week, and the general
condition
of the people in other respects satisfactory. There is sufficient
church
accommodation both in the town and neighbourhood, and the schools are
very
commodious and in a high state of efficiency. The Jesuit Fathers, who
serve the
mission at Chesterfield,
speak in
very favourable terms of the conduct, morals, and habits of the Irish
people,
as contrasted with their English fellow-labourers in the mines and
works. Their
one vice is drink. Their honour and honesty are most remarkable. Petty
larceny
and the class of crimes which come within the jurisdiction of the local
magistrates are almost unknown amongst the Irish population of the
neighbourhood. There is much, indeed, in the present condition and
future
prospects of the Irish population of this locality that is hopeful and
promising, contrasting most pleasantly with what is to be seen and
anticipated
of their kindred in other places.
From Chesterfield
to Hull,
with the exception of Doncaster,
there is little of an Irish element to be met with. In Doncaster
and neighbourhood there is, perhaps, an Irish population of 1,000; and
in Hull,
from 5,000 to 6,000. Of this number, with the exception of a few
persons
employed in the Customs and Excise, all are in the lowest ranks of
labour.
Indeed, to say that they are low in other respects, too, would be but
conveying
an inadequate idea of their condition. Here, as elsewhere, are the
good, the
pious, and the patriotic; but in no other town in England
is there a larger proportion of the Irish population fallen and lost. Hull
is the only town I have known where whole families have separated
themselves in
idea and sentiment from their kindred, and, renegades to Faith and
Fatherland,
have ranged themselves on the side of England
and infidelity. The general moral state of the town is low, and the
condition
of the Irish population corresponds with its surroundings. It would be
but
painful to particularise. It is enough to say that what is true of the
worst
part of London
applies here, only
that the loss is greater in proportion to population. The Irish here
have
neither political power nor influence, socially. They number less than
one-twentieth
of the population, and these in the very lowest grade. They furnish,
indeed,
the worst example of the evils of the exodus, and bring home with most
striking
force to the mind and heart of the moralist, the nationalist, the
Christian,
the criminal iniquity of the system that roots out from their home and
disperses a virtuous people, and dooms them thus to fester and rot in
the vice
and corruption of English towns.
In the towns of West Yorkshire,
as in all other places where
labour wins bread and perseverance competence, we meet with an Irish
population
possessing power, position, and intelligence, and exercising in every
relation
of life a marked influence on the communities among whom they reside.
There is
but little to vary the lot of the Irish residents in the Yorkshire
towns; and the description which suits the one may be taken generally
to apply
to all. In all, or nearly all of them, the Irish population is so large
as to
exercise a political influence sufficient to rule the destinies of
parties. In Leeds
the Irish population is estimated at from 22,000 to 25,000. Including
the
surrounding districts, the Irish population certainly amounts to the
latter
figure. Dewsbury has 4,000, and the surrounding districts 3,000, Irish
residents; Huddersfield, nearly
3,000; Wakefield,
an equal number; Barnsley, 2,000; Halifax,
from 5,000 to 6,000; Bradford, from
20,000 to 25,000, in
a population of 146,000. In nearly all of these towns the power of
political
parties is so nearly balanced that, with proper organisation and
preparation,
the issue of an electoral contest would depend on the Irish vote. We
shall
hereafter see that the power of the Irish population in the Lancashire
towns is still greater. These districts are the chief strongholds of
the
“Liberal party”; and to these they look with
confidence to swell the majority
which sustains them in power. Hitherto, in the conflict of parties, the
Liberals always could rely on the Irish vote. Henceforth the Irish vote
will be
held for the service of Ireland,
irrespective of the needs of English political parties. To exact
conditions for
Ireland, or – failing in that – to make government
by party so unstable as to
be practically inoperative for legislative purposes, should in every
instance
be the aim of the Irish residents in the English towns. This I have
taken it
upon myself to advise, and the advice, I have reason to believe, will
be acted
on wherever the Irish force is sufficiently powerful to decide the
battle of
parties. Our business is to restore party equilibrium, and prevent
either of
the rivals from weighing the scale, so that the possession of power
will depend
on whether we choose to kick the beam and destroy the equipoise of the
party.
This is a proceeding which, so far, I should think has never entered
into the
calculations of the rival factions in Westminster.
That its adoption is our wisest policy, I think few will doubt. That
the Irish
in numbers of the English constituencies possess the power to
accomplish it is
certain. For proof that they mean to do it I cite one instance, the
precedent
furnished by which is sure to rule in twenty. I quote from an Irish
gentleman
in Bradford, whose patriotism and eloquence are only exceeded by the
keen
introspection of his intellect and the sagacity with which he gauges
the
measure of success in the future by a wise application of the forces we
possess
in the present. Speaking of the town in which he resides, and having
previously
stated that the Irish are as one to seven of the population, he says:
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